His Commission tried, and failed, to get member-states behind a much needed reform of the Union’s migration policy, after over a million people came irregularly to the EU in 2015. Failed asylum seekers will be quickly returned if unsuccessful – and returns are the most important element of the Commission’s proposal to break the standoff. The commission announced the creation of a task force in order to improve the situation of refugees and migrants on the island of Lesvos. This suggests that the EU is unlikely to secure much co-operation from its partners unless it gives them more tangible benefits. There are more challenges for the EU just around the corner: Europe’s neighbourhood faces destabilisation as a result of the economic hit from the COVID-19 pandemic, which will probably lead to an increase in migration flows to the EU. But migration is as old as time. Return is arguably the most difficult part of any migration policy. Aegean chronicles: A reporter’s confrontation with Europe’s failures and moral imperative, No Sound Basis for Solidarity but an Opportunity to Rethink Asylum, Dublin Forever - Nothing New for the South, Nothing New in the North: The EU’s New Pact will not change much for Morocco, Poland wants no refugees – NGO’s critical look at the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, Migration in Senegal: Societal visions instead of criminalisation and the rhetoric of deterrence. But it relies on too many weak links. The Commission promised that the New Pact would be a ‘fresh start’ to asylum and migration. One faux pas and the whole system may collapse like a house of cards. Task Force for Lesvos. The Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM) is an intergovernmentally negotiated agreement, prepared under the auspices of the United Nations, that describes itself as covering "all dimensions of international migration in a holistic and comprehensive manner".. Third, return sponsorships are the flip side of quotas – frontline and destination member-states will only agree to the idea of return sponsorship if all EU countries accept that they may eventually have to take asylum seekers in. President Ursula von der Leyen is determined not to make the same mistake. Insights from Serbia - a buffer zone for the EU’s illegal pushback policy? Martin Banks is a senior reporter at the Parliament Magazine. By Martin Banks . The risk with broad church plans, of course, is that they may end up pleasing no one. The EU can improve the situation by reaching a new agreement with Ankara, so that it continues to help Turkey care for the nearly four million refugees it is hosting, in exchange for resuming co-operation. Consequently, the Pact will result in suboptimal policy outcomes as it does not cater for the migration realities on the ground, that is, it fails to respond to the needs of those member states that are most impacted by irregular migration. In normal times, national governments would be able to offer as much help to other governments as they wish. But they over-rely on the goodwill of both international partners and EU member-states. The political incentive for migration-sceptic governments will be to put money and effort into returns. Reacting to the news, Marissa Ryan, Head of Oxfam’s EU office, said: “For many years, Europe has needed to reform its asylum system so that it protects people fleeing persecution and conflict in line with international law. With the New Pact on Migration and Asylum the European Commission intends to square the circle – but does not succeed. The Migration Pact will change forever both the direction of Europe and the lives of all citizens of the European nations. Even the EU’s comparatively reliable migration partners, like Turkey or Morocco, are becoming more assertive and less willing to help. An interview with MEP and migration policy spokesperson of the Greens/EFA group at the European Parliament, Erik Marquardt, on the future of European asylum and migration. EU countries can sponsor returns by, for example, chartering flights, liaising with third country governments or giving money to those willing to leave voluntarily. The Pact will thus promote securitisation in the Mediterranean without generating meaningful change. In the shadows of the Covid-19-crisis, refugees and irregular migrants in Europe’s neighbouring countries are afraid for their very existence and terrified of long-term detention in reception camps. The new Pact on Migration and Asylum calls for more such activities as part of "mutually beneficial partnerships with key third … European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen announced that the EU's long-awaited new pact on migration and asylum will be unveiled next Wednesday. Since 2015, the EU and its Member States have been moving away from an externalisation of migration control to an externalisation of their obligations to afford protection. Read more: Opinion: EU migration pact is victory for the nationalists. The New Pact does not change this. The New Pact on Migration and Asylum, yet another obstacle for Senegalese? The ID Party takes all reasonable precautions that are necessary to ensure the security of the personal data provided to it by members. The Commission’s new migration pact is a well-considered plan that may manage to gather something of a consensus. Choosing Merkel's successor: None of the above? @EUCouncil must achieve a true balance of solidarity and responsibility. How should policymakers respond to the reality and future prospect of vast populations being displaced and relocated in an era of global heating? How can the EU strike the right balance between responsibility and solidarity, on the one hand, and opposed national interests and priorities, on the other hand? The Pact is an opportunity to improve asylum systems in Europe, to greatly expand safe and legal channels, and to mobilise EU support for inclusion. Deciphering the European Union’s New Pact on Migration and Asylum. But the idea could backfire. The new solidarity mechanism recognises that mandatory quotas are, and will remain, a tough political sell. Responding to the European Commission’s newly unveiled migration pact, Amnesty International’s EU Advocacy Director, Eve Geddie, said: “Pitched as a fresh start, this pact is, in reality, designed to heighten walls and strengthen fences. The compact was formally endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly on 19 December 2018. One faux pas and the whole system may collapse like a house of cards. The EU’s offers of visa liberalisation are conditional on agreeing to the readmission of third country nationals as well as a country’s own citizens. But if the EU wants to secure greater co-operation, it should make its partners a more generous political and economic offer. European leaders have also cut the EU’s budget for external action from the Commission’s original proposals for the period 2021-27, giving themselves fewer resources to work with. The EU has long sought to step up cooperation with non-EU states on migration issues, including action against migrant smuggling. The European Commission’s newly released Pact on Migration and Asylum aims to address the imbalances in member states’ burdens related to migrant arrivals and streamline the asylum process. INTRODUCTION. While the Commission says partnerships should be “comprehensive, balanced and tailor-made”, its proposals emphasise increasing pressure on third countries so that they help with returns of migrants. Migration and asylum policy à la carte: a free hand for the obstructionists, Erik Marquardt MEP: “Migration management has become a euphemism for repelling refugees”, Paper doesn’t blush: The Commission presents a plan that does nothing to address the realities at the EU borders, You can’t build on that: Externalisation as the cornerstone of the EU Pact on Migration and Asylum. 24 Sep 2020. It revealed a European Union that is jammed by Member States’ disagreements and incapacity to be united. In contrast to many declarations that Italy should not be left to face the challenges of mass boat arrivals from North Africa alone, the New Pact's proposals if anything renew the obsolete “Dublin system”. Ten reflections on a sovereignty-first Brexit. An analysis from a legal perspective. As long as there is no real burden-sharing, member-states on the EU’s border will be incentivised to either let migrants go north or seal borders, keeping those migrants that make it through in very poor conditions. F +49 (30) 285 34-109 The new package of the European Union Commission on Migration and Asylum has not been as welcomed and applauded as the Commission might have excepted. Civil liberties committee members questioned how the new Asylum and Migration Pact proposed by the European Commission would function during a debate on 24 September. Von der Leyen’s pact is just the beginning of a long process. T +49 (30) 285 34-0 The ID Party cares greatly about protecting the privacy of the Users of the website https://saveurope.eu and its member portal. It is of vital importance that rescuees are brought to a “Place of Safety”. In September, the European Commission unveiled the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, a series of long-awaited measures to reform the EU migration regime. Moreover, it often means losing out on remittances from citizens in the EU, which are usually much greater in magnitude than the funding provided by the EU. Neither are right. It will be difficult for the EU to persuade migrants’ countries of origin to increase co-operation on returns, as it can be unpopular for the EU’s partners and undermine governments’ domestic legitimacy. Return is arguably the most difficult part of any migration policy, as it largely depends on collaboration with countries of origin and transit. Our dossier illustrates different perspectives on the European Commission’s proposal, with contributions from our foreign offices and partners in the EU and beyond. The Commission wants to place migration management at the heart of the EU’s foreign policy. But past experience suggests this might not be very effective. However, the close cooperation with FRONTEX remains a cause for concern. In order to draw more attention to this issue, he has co-created the Leave no One Behind campaign. A new migration pact, presented by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen on September 23, is meant to reform Europe’s overburdened and fragmented asylum system.The goal is to build a system of "fair sharing of responsibility and solidarity" among EU countries, the European Commission (EC) says, and, by applying clear rules, to provide "certainty and … But it could take a long time before all member states agree. This is because, in the case of large scale arrivals from a war-torn country, most people would qualify for asylum as opposed to return; but also because accepting that some countries would only return failed asylum seekers would be a tough political sell for countries like Germany, which has insisted on the need for a European solidarity system that emphasises integration. But to be effective, it should also make clear that full burden-sharing on asylum and migration is an obligation attached to Schengen membership. Providing funding schemes to create jobs in migrants’ countries of origin is different to co-operating with failed states like Libya, which detains migrants in horrible conditions. Should the Pact be adopted, it will be the end of Europe. Many member-states are also unlikely to agree to visa liberalisation with third countries, not least because overstaying visas is a common way for migrants to enter the EU. Once the Balkan route shut and this was no longer possible, those left in Greece ended up in makeshift, crammed camps. In this policy paper “A Local Turn for European Refugee Politics” the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung puts forward proposals for a more active role of the municipalities in refugee and asylum policy. The EU’s Dublin Regulation mostly requires the country that asylum seekers enter first to examine applications. But migration politics continue to be toxic. It turns out to replicate or exacerbate past failures in new packaging. As to the Commission’s plans to increase opportunities for legal migration to Europe, there is resistance from many member-states. Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic have already announced their opposition to the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. The Commission’s proposal is broad and leaves room for negotiation. This is the result of months of consultations with member states and other institutions in an attempt to reconcile the different perspectives in migration management. The fate of the Migration Pact will be in the hands of EU member countries and their parliaments. First, those governments the EU wishes to expose may realise that specialising in returns every time there is a crisis serves their anti-migrant, illiberal narrative all too well. 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